Radchenko says that documents in the
Hungarian archives show that the Soviets had shared with the Hungarians
India’s plans to attack Kahuta.
Last week, the US State department declassified its top-secret documents
from 1984-85 which focus on the Pakistani nuclear programme. The CIA
analysis, and the talking points for the US Ambassador to Islamabad
while handing over President Ronald Reagan’s letter to General Zia-ul
Haq, show that the US warned Pakistan about an Indian military attack on
the Pakistani nuclear reactor at Kahuta.
But the Americans were not alone in anticipating an Indian attack. Prof
Rajesh Rajagopalan of JNU recently pointed to The End of the Cold War
and the Third World: New Perspectives on Regional Conflict, a book by
Sergey Radchenko and Artemy M. Kalinovsky based on the declassified
documents of the Eastern Block. Radchenko says that documents in the
Hungarian archives show that the Soviets had shared with the Hungarians
India’s plans to attack Kahuta.
In his book, India’s Nuclear Policy —1964-98: A Personal Recollection, K
Subrahmanyam recollected that the Indian proposal to Pakistan for
non-attack on each other’s nuclear facilities, which he suggested to
Rajiv Gandhi, was an outcome of such rumours in the Western media.
Although the ‘Agreement on the Non-Attack of Nuclear Facilities between
Indian and Pakistan’ was first verbally agreed upon in 1985, it was
formally signed in 1988 and ratified in 1991. Since 1992, India and
Pakistan have been exchanging the list of their nuclear facilities on
January 1 every year.
But how close was India to attacking Kahuta in the 1980s? The first time
India is believed to have considered such an attack is in 1981. The
idea obviously originated from the daring Israeli attack of June 7,
1981, that destroyed the under-construction Iraqi nuclear reactor at
Osirak. Eight F-16s of the Israeli Air Force flew more than 600 miles in
the skies of three enemy nations to destroy the target and returned
unscathed.
In 1996, WPS Sidhu, senior fellow for foreign policy at Brookings India,
was the first to state that after the induction of Jaguars, Indian Air
Force (IAF) had conducted a brief study in June 1981 on the feasibility
of attacking Kahuta. The study concluded that India could “attack and
neutralise” Kahuta but feared that such an attack would result in a
full-blown war between India and Pakistan. This was besides the concerns
that an Indian attack will beget an immediate retaliatory — some say,
even pre-emptive — Pakistani air strike on Indian nuclear facilities.
In their book, Deception: Pakistan, the United States and the Global
Nuclear Conspiracy, Adrian Levy and Catherine Scott-Clark claim that
Indian military officials secretly travelled to Israel in February 1983
to buy electronic warfare equipment to neutralise Kahuta’s air defences.
Israel reportedly also provided India with technical details of the
F-16 aircraft in exchange for Indians providing them some details about
the MiG-23 aircraft. In mid- to late-1983, according to strategic
affairs expert Bharat Karnad, Indira Gandhi asked the IAF once again to
plan for an air strike on Kahuta.
The mission was cancelled after Pakistani nuclear scientist Munir Ahmed
Khan met Indian Atomic Energy Commission chief-designate Raja Ramanna at
an international meet in Vienna and threatened a retaliatory strike on
Bhabha Atomic Research Centre at Trombay.
The next time India is believed to have seriously considered attacking
Kahuta was in September-October 1984. Details of the Pakistani nuclear
programme crossing the weaponisation enrichment threshold had then begun
to emerge. As seen from documents declassified last week, on September
16, 1984, US Ambassador Dean Hinton told Zia that if the US were to see
signs that India was preparing for an attack, they would notify Pakistan
immediately.
On September 22, a reliable source from a foreign country — later
assumed to be the CIA Deputy Director — reported to the Pakistani top
brass that there was the possibility of an Indian air strike. The same
day, ABC television also reported that a preemptive Indian attack on
Pakistani nuclear facilities was imminent, which was based on a briefing
made by the CIA to a US Senate intelligence subcommittee.
But India did not go ahead with its plans to attack Kahuta because the
element of surprise was lost. According to Subrahmanyam, an increase in
air defences around Kahuta was “proof, if any more were needed, that our
covert intentions to hit Kahuta were not secret anymore”.
It has also been rumoured that Israeli air force was part of the plans
to attack Kahuta in 1984 because it did not want to see an “Islamic
Bomb” developed by Pakistan. Israel was supposed to lead this attack and
not merely play the role of advising the IAF. Bharat Karnad has written
that Israeli aircraft were to be staged from Jamnagar airfield in
Gujarat, refuel at a satellite airfield in North India and track the
Himalayas to avoid early radar detection, but Indira Gandhi eventually
vetoed the idea. Levy and Scott-Clark though claim that Indira Gandhi
had signed off on the Israeli-led operation in March 1984 but backed off
after the US state department warned India “the US will be responsive
if India persists”.
Conversations with some people associated with the IAF in the early
1980s support the idea of an Israeli connection to Indian plans to
attack Kahuta. It tells us that India had seriously considered attacking
Kahuta three decades ago but chose not to, mainly due to the fears of a
retaliatory Pakistani strike on Trombay and the danger of an isolated
strike escalating into a full-blown war.
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